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翻譯米糕

THE fresh-faced good looks have been lined and drawn by the cares of office.
His immaculate English is forsaken for the dignity of immaculate Mandarin.
Patient replies to questions come wearily, as if said many times before. Yet,
six years into his presidency, Ma Ying-jeou’s hair remains as lush and
jet-black as any Chinese Politburo member’s. And, speaking in the
presidential palace in Taipei, he remains as unwilling as any leader in
Beijing to admit to any fundamental flaws in strategy.

前面說馬先生英文說得比母語流利。
馬先生在當了六年的總統之後，頭髮看起來如同中國政府高官一樣梳的油亮亮，
也和北京官員一樣從不願意承認自己任何策略上的錯誤。

Perhaps Mr Ma draws inspiration from his portrait of Sun Yat-sen, founder of
his ruling party, the Kuomintang (KMT), and, in 1912, of the Republic of
China to which Taiwan’s government still owes its name. Sun is revered as a
nationalist hero not just by the KMT but, across the Taiwan Strait, by the
Chinese Communist Party too. Mr Ma may also hope to be feted on both sides of
the strait—in his case as a leader responsible for a historic rapprochement.
For now, however, reconciliation between Taiwan and China remains distant.
And Mr Ma, once the KMT’s most popular politician, is taunted by opponents
as the “9% president”, a reference to his approval ratings in opinion polls
last autumn.

國父孫中山在海峽兩岸都被視為是民族英雄，或許自詡繼承了國父的重責大任，
馬先生希望能做一個帶領兩岸走向和解的領導者。
但是以目前的情況來說，兩岸的和解似乎還有很大的分歧。
過去曾經是KMT政治明星的他，因為最近一次低落的民調，被稱為9%總統。

Improving relations with China has been the central theme of his
administration, after the tensions of eight years of rule by the Democratic
Progressive Party (DPP), which leans towards declaring formal independence
from the mainland. Mr Ma can boast of 21 agreements signed with China. He
reels off the numbers of two fast-integrating economies: a tenfold increase
in six years in mainland tourists to Taiwan, to 2.85m in 2013; cross-strait
flights from none at all to 118 every day; two-way trade, including with Hong
Kong, up to $160 billion a year.


包含6年內陸客來台增加10倍(去年285萬)，從沒有互相直航到現在每天118航班，

雙向貿易每年1600億。

China’s strategy to reabsorb Taiwan is plain. As the island’s economy
becomes more intertwined with that of the vast mainland, China thinks,
resistance to unification will wane. Then Taiwan becomes an “autonomous”
 part of China—like Hong Kong, though allowed its own army. Taiwan will
return to the motherland without resort to the missiles and increasingly
powerful armed forces ranged against it. But as Mr Ma sees it, cross-strait “
rapprochement” is a first line of defence against Chinese aggression, since
“a unilateral move by the mainland to change the status quo by non-peaceful
means would come at a dear price”. Politics in Taiwan is framed as a debate
about independence or unification but is really about preserving the status
quo.

在台灣經濟越來越依靠大陸之後，中共已經明白不費一兵一卒就可以收復台灣，
將來台灣或許就和香港一樣，成為中國底下的一個自治區。

The next step in rapprochement with China would be a meeting between
political leaders. In February in Nanjing, once the capital of a KMT
government of all China, ministers from China and Taiwan held their first
formal meeting since 1949. Mr Ma hoped to meet China’s president, Xi
Jinping, in Beijing this November, at the Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation
(APEC) summit. To accommodate Hong Kong and Taiwan, APEC’s members are not “
countries” but “economies”. So Mr Xi and Mr Ma could meet as “economic
leaders”, sidestepping the tricky protocol that usually dogs relations, with
China viewing Taiwan as a mere province. The Chinese demurred. But Mr Ma
thinks a meeting somewhere is “not outside the realm of possibility”.

兩岸和解的下一步就是兩岸領導人的會面。
自從1949年後，今年二月在南京舉辦了海峽兩岸第一次政府官員會面。
而馬英九計畫在11月的APEC亞太經合會，能夠與中共最高領導人習近平會面。
(因APEC中不是以國家身分而是以經濟體領導人與會，來迴避國家定位這棘
手的問題。)

This backdrop explains why a protest movement against a services-trade
agreement with the mainland is more than a little local difficulty for Mr Ma.
Students occupying parliament have resorted to undemocratic means, and many
of the arguments they and the DPP make about the trade agreement are
specious. But they have tapped a vein of popular mistrust of Mr Ma and of
economic integration with the mainland. A split persists between native
Taiwanese, on the island for generations, and mainlanders, like Mr Ma, whose
families came over as the KMT lost the civil war in the 1940s. Protesters
portray Mr Ma as either a mainland stooge or as clueless and out of touch. In
the occupied parliament, student caricatures give him antlers, a reference to
a slip he once made when he appeared to suggest that the deer-antlers used in
Chinese medicine were in fact hair from the animal’s ears.

在這前提下，我們明白為什麼馬先生對這次服貿這麼的堅持。因極度親中的態度，也
使民眾十分不信任馬先生對於中共的經濟策略。
土生土長台灣人和外省人的分裂正持續著，這很像當年國共戰爭時國民黨輸掉大陸當
時面對的情形。
議場內的學生稱馬先生鹿茸，因為她誤把鹿角當耳毛…

Mr Ma says public opinion supports a “Ma-Xi” summit. Joseph Wu of the DPP,
however, claims such a meeting would actually damage the KMT in the next
presidential election, due in 2016; rather, he says, Mr Ma is trying to leave
a personal legacy. The DPP’s lead in the polls alarms not just the Chinese
government but also America, which could do without another flare-up in a
dangerous region. The stronger China grows, the more Taiwan’s security
depends on commitments from America. It switched diplomatic recognition to
Beijing in 1979, but Congress then passed a law obliging it to help Taiwan
defend itself.
馬先生表示全民支持”馬習會”。
民進黨駐美代表表示，馬先生試圖要留下他的歷史定位，這舉動對2016的國民黨在
大選會有傷害。


Mr Ma says relations with America are better than they have ever been at
least since 1979 and perhaps before. Others are doubtful. In all the talk of
America’s “pivot” to Asia, its promises to Taiwan are rarely mentioned.
Many in Taiwan paid attention when John Mearsheimer, an American academic,
suggested in the National Interest, a policy journal, that there is “a
reasonable chance American policymakers will eventually conclude that it
makes good strategic sense to abandon Taiwan and to allow China to coerce it
into accepting unification.” For some, abandonment is a fact of life and
unification a matter of time. “No one is on our side strategically,
diplomatically, politically; we have to count on China’s goodwill,” an
academic in Taipei argues.



Mr Ma has tried to steer what seems a sensible middle course between such
defeatism and the adventurism of those in the DPP who would like to confront
and challenge China. But he sounds weary with the effort, and Taiwan’s
people seem weary of him. Their pragmatism and the DPP’s internecine strife
may yet see them elect another KMT president in 2016. But if Mr Ma hoped to
leave office with cross-strait relations stabilised, and with his own role as
an historic peacemaker recognised on both sides and around the world, he
seems likely to be disappointed.

馬先生試圖要在本土意識和統一之間尋找一個中間路線來化解和中國的對立。
但他的聲音聽起來有些疲憊，且台灣人似乎厭倦他了。
2016年兩黨之間仍然有得拚。但是，如果馬英九希望離開辦公室來改善兩岸關係，
拿個諾貝爾和平獎，他很可能要失望了。




誠實翻譯，不嫌棄 >~<

原文連結 http://ppt.cc/apq5


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