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1.媒體來源:新唐人

2.記者署名:竺穎

3.完整新聞標題:
黃之鋒美國國會聽證會證詞全文（中/英）

4.完整新聞內文:
https://i.ntdtv.com/assets/uploads/2019/09/GettyImages-1168835656-800x450.jpg
「香港眾志」秘書長、「雨傘運動」的領導人黃之鋒於2019年9月17日在華盛頓特區出席
了美國國會及行政當局中國委員會舉行的聽證會，並就香港民眾運動現狀發言。
(OLIVIER DOULIERY/AFP/Getty Images)



黃之鋒聽證會發言中文版

麥克高文主席，魯比奧聯席主席，各位委員會成員早晨好！

能夠被邀請來國會大廈談論香港的發展，我感到很榮幸！各位可能還記得我上次在兩年多
前去過華盛頓，並在2017年5月3日在同一棟大樓，同一委員會作證。

當時，我警告我的朋友羅冠聰（Nathan Law）可能被取消立法會議員資格，他是亞洲最年
輕的民主選舉立法會議員，他今天也在觀眾席上。



我當時曾說香港的「一國兩制」正在變成「一國一點五制」，但我認為，近期發生的事件
令觀察家感到今天我們正接近危險的邁向「一國一制」。

目前的情況表明，北京完全無法理解，更不用說治理自由社會了。

















黃之峰聽證會發言英文版全文

It’s an honor to be invited back to Capitol Hill to speak about developments
in Hong Kong. You may recall that I last traveled to Washington more than two
years ago and testified before this commission, in this same building, on May
3, 2017.

At the time, I warned about the probable disqualification of my friend Nathan
Law, who had been Asia’s youngest democratically-elected legislator and who
is in the audience this morning.

I also warned about massive political prosecution. Unfortunately, both
materialized: Nathan lost his seat that July, and we were both imprisoned in
August for our roles in the Umbrella Movement. Further legal troublers in
relation to the 2014 protests prevented me from traveling abroad.

While I said then that Hong Kong’s “One Country, Two Systems” was becoming
“One Country, One-and-a-Half Systems,” I don’t think there is any doubt
among observers who have followed recent events that, today, we are
approaching dangerously close to “One Country, One System.”

The present state of affairs reveals Beijing’s utter inability to
understand, let alone govern, a free society.

The ongoing demonstrations began on June 9 when one million Hong Kongers took
to the streets in protest of proposed legislation that would’ve allowed
criminal suspects to be extradited from Hong Kong to China, where there are
no guarantees of the rule of law. Still, before the night had even ended,
Chief Executive Carrie Lam announced the bill’s reading would resume in
three days. Hong Kongers were bracing for their last fight on June 12.

And then the unthinkable happened: Knowing that Beijing controlled enough
votes in the Legislative Council, protesters surrounded the complex early in
the morning, successfully preventing lawmakers from convening. I was then
serving my third jail sentence. For a moment, I wondered why the news channel
was replaying footage of the Umbrella Movement, though it was not long before
I realized Hong Kongers were back.

Lam suspended the bill on June 15, but fell short of fully withdrawing it. A
historic two million people demonstrated the following day, equivalent to one
in four out of our entire population. I’m not aware of anything comparable
to this level of discontent against a government in modern history.

I was released exactly three months ago, on June 17, and have since joined
fellow Hong Kongers to protest in the most creative ways possible. In
addition to the bill’s withdrawal, we demanded Lam to retract the
characterization of us as “rioters,” drop all political charges, and
establish an independent investigation into police brutality. Some of us
crowdfunded for newspaper advertisements ahead of the G-20 summit in late
June calling for the world not to neglect Hong Kong. Others broke into and
occupied the Legislative Council complex on July 1, the same day another
550,000 Hong Kongers protested peacefully.

Crowds continued to show up in large numbers every weekend, with smaller
rallies taking place almost daily across the territory. But the government
would not listen; instead of defusing the political crisis, it dramatically
empowered the police. The movement reached a turning point on July 21. That
night, thugs with suspected ties to organized crime gathered in the Yuen Long
train station and indiscriminately attacked not just protesters returning
home, reporters on the scene, but even passersby. The police refused to show
up despite repeated emergency calls, plunging Hong Kong into a state of
anarchy and mob violence.

On August 5 alone, the day Hong Kongers participated in a general strike, the
police shot 800 canisters of tear gas to disperse the masses. Compare that to
only 87 fired in the entire Umbrella Movement five years ago, and the police’
s excessive force today is clear. Their increasingly liberal use of pepper
spray, pepper balls, rubber bullets, sponge bullets, bean bag rounds, and
water cannons — almost all of which are imported from Western democracies —
 are no less troubling. In light of this, I applaud Chairman McGovern for
introducing the PROTECT Hong Kong Act last week in the House of
Representatives. American companies mustn’t profit from the violent
crackdown of freedom-loving Hong Kongers.

Co-Chairman Rubio is also right for recently writing that “Hong Kong’s
special status,” under American law, “depends on the city being treated as
a separate customs area, on open international financial connections, and on
the Hong Kong dollar’s peg to the U.S. dollar.” Beijing shouldn’t have it
both ways, reaping all the economic benefits of Hong Kong’s standing in the
world while eradicating our sociopolitical identity. This is the most
important reason why the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act enjoys the
broad support of Hong Kong’s civil society, a point which I want every
member of Congress to take note.

Lam finally withdrew the bill earlier this month, but just as protesters have
long stopped calling for her resignation, this decision was almost
meaningless by now. The movement is far from over, because it has long moved
beyond one bill or one person. Our fifth and most important demand is genuine
structural change in Hong Kong. Our government’s lack of representation lies
at the heart of the matter.

As I speak, Hong Kong is standing at a critical juncture. The stakes have
never been higher. Authorities have all but stopped issuing permits known as
“letters of no objection,” so virtually every demonstration is an “illegal
assembly.” Moreover, we are confronted by the huge Chinese military buildup
just across the border in Shenzhen. President Xi Jinping is unlikely to take
bold action before the upcoming 70th National Day in October, but no one can
be sure what’s next. Sending in the tanks remains irrational, though not
impossible. Chinese interference in Macau, Taiwan, Tibet, and especially
Xinjiang, serves as a reminder that Beijing is prepared to go far in pursuit
of its grand imperial project.

I was once the face of Hong Kong’s youth activism. In the present leaderless
movement, however, my sacrifices are minimal, compared to those among us who
have been laid off for protesting, who have been injured but too afraid of
even going to a hospital, or who have been forced to take their own lives.
Two have each lost an eye. The youngest of the 1,400 arrested so far is only
12-year-old schoolboy. I don’t know them, yet their pain is my pain. We
belong to the same imagined community, struggling for our right of
self-determination so we can build one brighter, common future.

A baby born today will not even have celebrated his 28th birthday by July 1,
2047, when Hong Kong’s policy of “50-year no change” is set to expire.
That deadline is closer to us than it appears; there’s no return. Decades
from now, when historians look back, I’m sure that 2019, much more so than
2014, will turn out to have been a watershed. I hope, too, that historians
will celebrate the United States Congress for having stood on the side of
Hong Kongers, the side of human rights and democracy.

5.完整新聞連結 (或短網址):
https://www.ntdtv.com/b5/2019/09/17/a102666770.html

6.備註:

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